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Violence against women can also thwart the development of the wider community through its effect on women’s participation in development projects. A study commissioned by UNIFEM/Mexico to find out why women stopped participating in projects found that threats from men were a major cause. Men perceived the growing empowerment of their wives as a threat to their control, end used beatings to try to reverse this process of empowerment. In Madras, India, a revolving loan fund of the Working Women’s Forum almost collapsed after the project leaders, subjected to increased domestic violence, stopped participating (Carrillo 1992). As Dr. Christine Bradley, Principal Project Officer for the Papua New Guinea Law Reform Commission, observes:
Simply attending a meeting may be dangerous for a woman whose husband does not want her to go in [Papua New Guinea] some husbands prevent their wives from attending meetings by locking them in the house, or by pulling them off the vehicle they have boarded to take them to the meeting, or even by pursuing them to the meeting and dragging them home. (Bradley 1990, p. 5)
In a particularly gruesome example of male backlash, a female leader of the highly successfully government sponsored Women’s Development Programme in Rajasthan, India, was recently gang raped by male community members because they disapproved of her organizing efforts against child marriage. They raped the woman in her home in front of her husband, and warned him Keep your wife in line or we’ll rape her again ” The incident and the fear that it induced dealt a major blow to the project’s momentum (Rao Gupta, personal communication, 1993; Mathur 1992).
Elsewhere, men may use force to divert the benefits of development from women. Case studies of victims of domestic violence in Peru and of garment workers in the Mexican maquiladoras reported that men frequently beat their wives to get their earnings (Vasquez and Tamayo 1989, as quoted in Carrillo 1992).
To avoid violence, women learn to restrict their behavior to what they think will be acceptable to their husbands or partners. As Bradley (199O) observes, “Threats or fears of violence control women’s minds as much as do acts of violence, making women their own jailers” In Papua New Guinea, for example, a recent study reports that married female teachers do not apply for or accept promotions in large part because they fear retaliation from their husbands: women represent only 39 percent of the country’s primary school teachers and 5 percent of head teachers (Gibson 1990).
Fear of stranger-perpetrated violence similarly limits women’s participation in public life. In the United States 49 percent of 299 women surveyed in six neighborhoods in Chicago, Philadelphia, and San Francisco estimated their chances of being raped in their own neighborhood as five or higher on a 10-point scale. Nearly half said that they relied on restrictive, isolating tactics (not going out, not going to certain places) “all or most of the time” or “fairly often” to protect themselves. By contrast, 90 percent of men living in the same neighborhoods said that they never restricted their behavior out of fear (Gordon and Riger 1989). Similarly, in a 1990 newspaper survey in Seoul, Korea, women identified fear of sexual violence as a principal cause of stress in their lives (Korea Sexual Violence Relief Center 1991). In a separate survey of 2,270 Korean women, 94 percent said that they felt uneasy because of the spread of sexual violence against women Forty percent felt “extremely uneasy” and reported restricting their activities because of their fear (Korea Sexual Violence Relief Center 1991).
In the developing world this distinctly female fear can have unexpected and insidious effects. Fear of rape has exacerbated underrnutrition among Ethiopian refugee families in Sudanese border camps. In a recent survey of women’s mental health sponsored by the United Nations Development Programme, Ethiopian refugee women said that they had reduced the number of cooked meals they fed their children because they feared being raped-as many had been-while collecting firewood, a task requiring a two-to-three-hour foray outside the camp (LaPin 1992). Similarly, female health promoters working in rural Gujurat, India, when discussing obstacles to their work, emphasized their reluctance to travel alone between villages for fear of being raped. They requested self defense training to enable them to continue their work (Khanna 1992). These examples, far from isolated, illustrate the paralyzing and largely unrecognized effect that violence can have on women and on social development.
Effect on maternal health.
Pregnancy should be a time when the health and wellbeing of women are especially respected. But surveys suggest that pregnant women are prime targets for abuse. Results from a large prospective study of battery during pregnancy among low-income women in Baltimore and Houston indicated that one of every six pregnant women was battered during her present pregnancy (McFarlane and others 1992). The study, published in the Journal of the American Medical Association, followed a stratified cohort of 691 white, African-American, and Hispanic women for three years. Sixty percent of the abused women reported two or more episodes of violence, and they were three times as likely as nonabused women to begin prenatal care in the third trimester. Other studies indicate that, compared with women who are not beaten, women battered during pregnancy run twice the risk of miscarriage and four times the risk of having a low-birth-weigh baby (Stark and others 1981; Bullock and McFarlane 1989). Low birth weight is a powerful predictor of a child’s survival prospects in the first year of life.

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